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The Polish state TV channel TVP Info has been taken off the air as part of Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s government efforts to depoliticize public media. The move follows a parliamentary resolution calling for independence, objectivity, and pluralism in public TV and radio.

The heads of TVP and Polish Radio have been dismissed by the new culture minister. The Law and Justice (PiS) party, which lost power in October, staged a sit-in at state TV HQ in protest. State media is crucial in Poland, with about a third of people relying solely on it for news. TVP had become a propaganda tool for the previous PiS government. The new coalition, led by pro-EU Prime Minister Donald Tusk, aims to transform state media into a platform for reliable information.

The former PiS prime minister and President Andrzej Duda criticized the government’s actions, accusing it of violating constitutional principles and the law. The Tusk-led coalition won elections in October on a promise to overturn PiS reforms. PiS had exerted extensive control over TVP’s narrative, changing media laws and appointing sympathetic journalists. The Tusk government is swiftly removing PiS appointees from government bodies.

The dismissals have faced criticism, with the National Broadcasting Council stating they are illegal. The media regulator claims turning off TVP Info is an act of lawlessness reminiscent of martial law. PiS argues that the parliamentary resolution does not grant the power to sack management boards. However, the culture minister asserts ownership rights over state companies, justifying the authority to make changes.

The Tusk government may encounter resistance, as President Duda has the power to veto legislation and has called for respect for the Polish legal order. The coalition government plans changes to TVP personnel by Christmas, targeting up to 60 employees who violated journalistic standards.

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In the old Lenin shipyard in Gdansk, where striking workers were once the catalyst for major political change, young Poles now debate how to protect democracy in their country.

They worry that the rights and freedoms won by the Solidarity movement over three decades ago are at risk, as the ruling right-wing Law and Justice party, or PiS, campaigns to secure a record third term in office.

“It’s a very important election. We’re deciding whether we’re going back to being a democratic country,” was student activist Julia Landowska’s stark take on this weekend’s vote.

“This is our last call, to go to the election and fight for a better future in Poland.”

The event she helped organise was held under the slogan In My Day, Things Will Be Better.

A mixture of discussions and live music topped off with a silent disco, it was designed to encourage reluctant younger voters to the polls.

The activist’s worries are echoed by others in Gdansk, who point to the shrinking independence of the courts under a PiS government and backsliding on women’s rights, including a near-total ban on abortion.

There is also concern about media freedom – publicly-funded TV becoming a government mouthpiece – as well as acrimonious wrangling with Brussels on issues from judicial reform to migration.

That is why many Poles are now hailing the election on 15 October as the most important since 1989, when Solidarity candidates swept the board in the first partially-free vote since communist rule.

Freedom City The story of Poland’s struggle for freedom dominates the northern port city of Gdansk.

There is a Solidarity museum in the shipyard once occupied by strikers and billboards through the city centre that recount the momentous changes brought by their protest, led by an electrician named Lech Walesa.

This year, his son is running for re-election.

“We have to make sure we win, to reform all that has been destroyed in eight years,” Jaroslaw Walesa explained, referring to the two terms PiS have held office so far.Representing the opposition Civil Coalition, like fellow Gdansk-native and party leader Donald Tusk, he is most worried by Poland’s increasingly antagonistic relations with the EU.

Like Brussels, he is also concerned about the politicisation of Polish courts.

“If you look at what has been done to our democracy, we took a huge step backwards. That’s definitely not what my father fought for,” Mr Walesa told the BBC this week, wandering the paths of the handsome Oliwki park, greeting voters with leaflets and a promise of change.

The 1989 slogan – Don’t sleep, or they’ll outvote you! – has been resurrected in Gdansk for this election, all part of pitching it as another critical moment for Polish democracy.

The city is expected to vote solidly for the opposition, as usual.

But opinion polls put the governing Law and Justice Party ahead nationwide, although probably without a big enough majority to form a government.

So the last-minute battle for votes is intense.

PiS and Security In the town of Elblag, a short drive from Gdansk, campaigners spent Saturday canvassing for the governing party at a food market.

Between piles of potatoes and giant pumpkins, they dished out bags printed with the PiS logo and leaflets promoting the city’s main candidate, who didn’t show up.

“PiS have a good programme for us young people and for my children. I have twins and they’ve got a good programme for our future,” party activist Monica explained, referring to the 500 zloty (£95) monthly child benefit the government now pays.

It is set to rise to 800 next year if PiS win.

“In Poland, this amount can solve many things,” her husband added.Neither accepted the opposition’s fears for the future of democracy in Poland. “Democracy is good for us,” Monica said – and she wants to stay in the EU.

The pair both talked about security, including the government’s slogan that it is “protecting the future of Poles”.

“We’re not ready to accept immigrants. Muslims,” Monica clarified, adding that Poland had already taken in “a lot of Ukrainians”, meaning those who came in 2022 as refugees.

The Russian exclave of Kaliningrad is nearby and there is a new barbed-wire fence along its entire length.

The activists’ pro-government message was not universally welcomed by marketgoers, even though the Elblag regional vote was strongly pro-PiS at the last election.

Several shoppers thrust the free bags back when they realised which party logo was printed on them. Others retorted that PiS had been so good for Poland that their children had moved abroad for better opportunities.

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Bavarian Deputy Premier Hubert Aiwanger is facing scrutiny over his involvement with an anti-Semitic pamphlet from his school days. Aiwanger, a populist conservative leader, denies writing the pamphlet that mocked the Holocaust, but he has acknowledged possessing it 35 years ago. Bavarian Premier Markus Söder has asked Aiwanger to respond to 25 questions regarding the controversy. This issue comes ahead of crucial elections in Bavaria on October 8.

Söder emphasized the importance of transparency and condemned anti-Semitism, asserting that it has no place in the Bavarian government. The state parliament has requested an urgent statement on the matter. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz also called for clarification, underscoring the need to address anti-Semitism vigilantly.

The pamphlet in question contained references to a fictional competition for “the biggest traitor to the Fatherland,” with a disturbing prize of a “free flight through the chimney in Auschwitz,” referencing the Auschwitz extermination camp where countless Jews were murdered during the Holocaust. Aiwanger later admitted to having copies of the pamphlet in his schoolbag during his teenage years, but he couldn’t recall whether he distributed the material himself. He denounced the content as “disgusting and inhumane.”

The situation has generated debates over whether actions from a person’s youth should impact their political career decades later. However, the pamphlet’s offensive content has been widely condemned. In Germany, making light of concentration camps is unacceptable and can have legal consequences due to Holocaust denial being a criminal offense.

Aiwanger’s response to the situation has been criticized for lacking transparency and genuine remorse. Despite his history of fiery and populist rhetoric, he has remained reticent on this matter. Pressure is mounting on Aiwanger, especially from Söder, who aims to maintain the coalition with Aiwanger’s party but is frustrated by the timing of the controversy ahead of crucial elections.

The Free Voters party, led by Aiwanger, is expected to secure 11-14% of the vote, but if support wanes, it could spell trouble for Söder’s conservative Christian Social Union. This situation is particularly significant given upcoming elections in other German states and nationally, as the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) has been gaining traction.

The handling of the story by the newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung has also come under scrutiny, with criticism directed at its headline suggesting Aiwanger wrote the pamphlet, even though his denial was placed behind a paywall for subscribers to access.

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Poland has become increasingly cautious of its neighbor Belarus due to the possibility of Russian Wagner group mercenaries relocating there as part of a deal to end their mutiny. In response, Poland has fortified its border with miles of fencing, thermal cameras, and spotlights, which were initially installed after Belarus encouraged migrants to cross into Poland.

Poland is deploying extra officers as reinforcements ahead of the NATO summit, expressing concerns that the Wagner forces could instigate further trouble. The unpredictability of Belarus is seen as the biggest threat, with uncertainties surrounding the motives and preparations of the Wagner group. Despite the intended disbandment and exile of the mercenaries to Belarus, there are indications that the group is still operating within Russia.

Online contacts with Wagner revealed that recruitment was ongoing, and detailed instructions were provided to find the mercenaries’ training camp in southern Russia. However, the whereabouts and future plans of the Wagner group remain unclear. While some Belarusians express concerns about the group’s potential arrival, others see their recent mutiny as a sign of weakness within the Kremlin, fueling hopes for change.

There are doubts that Wagner will relocate to Belarus in large numbers or that their leader, Yevgeny Prigozhin, would settle there due to potential scrutiny from the Russian FSB security service. Polish worries and warnings about Wagner’s presence in Belarus could be influenced by domestic politics, with some suggesting it as a political tool to enhance the government’s security credentials ahead of upcoming elections.

The situation surrounding the Wagner mutineers remains shrouded in mystery, leading Poland to maintain heightened border patrols and surveillance.

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