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The French Senate has overwhelmingly approved a constitutional amendment to solidify women’s right to abortion, following a similar endorsement by the National Assembly. The vote, with 267 in favor and 50 against, reflects growing pressure to strengthen abortion rights amidst concerns over erosion in allied nations like the US and Poland.

French President Emmanuel Macron has called for a special joint session of both houses of parliament, away from Paris, in Versailles, to vote on the amendment. If passed with a three-fifths majority, a referendum won’t be necessary. An Ifop poll from November 2022 indicated strong public support, with 86% favoring the amendment.

While all major political parties in France support abortion rights, there was a revision in the language of the amendment, changing from endorsing the “right” to abortion to advocating for the “freedom” to have one. This adjustment, calling for “guaranteed freedom,” was approved by the Senate.

President Macron has pledged to make women’s freedom to choose abortion “irreversible” by enshrining it in the constitution. Justice Minister Éric Dupond-Moretti hailed the move as historic, positioning France as the first country to constitutionally protect women’s freedom in deciding about their bodies.

Conservative senators expressed feeling pressured to approve the amendment, with one anonymously stating concerns about familial repercussions if she voted against it.

The backdrop to this decision includes ongoing debates in the US, where abortion rights have been challenged, leading to restrictions in many states, and in Poland, where a near-total ban on abortion was imposed by the Constitutional Court in 2020.

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German Chancellor Olaf Scholz has announced that his coalition reached an agreement on the budget following a month of crisis talks. The decision comes after Germany’s constitutional court declared next year’s budget illegal for violating laws on new borrowing. The government plans to adhere to low deficit commitments by cutting certain green subsidies, including ending solar energy and electric car subsidies earlier than initially planned.

Last month, the constitutional court ruled that the 2024 budget violated a clause prohibiting Germany from running a deficit exceeding 0.35% of GDP. Although the deficit was a small portion of total spending, around €17bn or 3.8% of the €450bn budget, negotiations to address the gap were challenging. The coalition parties disagreed on whether to cut spending or suspend debt rules for the fifth consecutive year.

Ultimately, the coalition agreed to reduce subsidies for green energy, construction, and transportation spending. Chancellor Scholz emphasized that the government remains committed to its environmental goals but acknowledged the need to achieve them with reduced funding. The cuts will accelerate the phase-out of subsidies for electric car purchases and solar energy infrastructure, as well as change the funding structure for Germany’s railways.

Reduced spending on the electrical grid will lead to higher electricity costs for consumers. However, approximately €3bn in subsidies to polluting industries will be cut, and the carbon emission prices for companies will increase, partially offsetting the environmental cutbacks.

While the German government, a major supporter of Ukraine in Europe, assured that support for Ukraine would remain unaffected, it will send about €8bn in aid next year. All three coalition parties claimed victories in the spending agreement, with the Social Democrats limiting cuts to the welfare state, the Free Democrats preventing new borrowing, and the Greens asserting that core environmental aims are maintained despite some rolled-back schemes.

Germany’s political culture strongly opposes debt and deficits, with an aversion to high spending. However, some economists argue that this aversion has resulted in persistent underinvestment in crucial infrastructure. Despite this, Germany has one of the lowest public debts among major developed countries.

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In Ljubljana, a delivery rider’s indulgence in a €400 burek, a Balkan pastry, during the initial Covid lockdown marked an unusual and notably expensive fast-food experience. The incident garnered attention as police surrounded the rider for a seemingly minor offense – not wearing a mask while eating on the steps of a church. This photograph became a poignant symbol of the stringent enforcement of Covid restrictions during the pandemic in the Slovenian capital.

Over a span of more than two years, the authorities in Slovenia issued a staggering €6 million in fines, affecting more than 60,000 individuals who allegedly violated anti-Covid measures. The fines were issued under the strict regulations imposed by the previous right-wing administration led by former Prime Minister Janez Janša. These measures included restrictions on freedom of movement and assembly, local travel limitations, and a nighttime curfew. The hungry food delivery driver was just one of many who faced penalties for violating face mask mandates, even in outdoor settings, and navigating daily activities without a Covid certificate became exceptionally challenging.

This week, a significant development takes place as legislation comes into effect to refund the fines issued during this period. This initiative fulfills a promise made by Prime Minister Robert Golob before his center-left Freedom Movement came into power last year. The move aims to rectify the harsh consequences of the previously imposed measures and rebuild public trust in the rule of law, which had been significantly undermined by what is now deemed as excessive and unconstitutional repression during the pandemic.

While the decision to refund fines has been welcomed by many, it has not been universally embraced. Some critics, including a member of Janez Janša’s SDS party, argue that repaying fines is a disregard for the efforts of health workers who tirelessly fought to save lives during the pandemic. However, the current administration, represented by Justice Minister Dominika Švarc Pipan, views the restitution legislation as essential for restoring Slovenians’ confidence in the rule of law, particularly in the aftermath of what is perceived as overzealous and unconstitutional measures imposed during the Covid crisis.

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